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In memory of Filip Rusina, 38

December 19, 2022
by Ostrava Anarchist Federation

On Sunday, December 11, Filip Rusina, an anarchist and anti-fascist from Frýdek-Místek, passed away forever. Let us dedicate a short memorial to him.

Since his youth, Filip was active in the musical underground, and at the turn of the millennium, he played in several punk bands. However, punk was not only a way to spend his free time, Filip also perceived its political dimension. He was always a strict anti-fascist and despite many skirmishes with neo-Nazis, he never abandoned his unambiguous stance. Although he was often on the margins of society, as an anarchist he never forgot those who were equally, if not worse off socially. Even with minimal resources of his own, Filip was a long-time active participant in the Frýdek-Místek collective Food not Bombs, where he functioned mainly as a liaison between activists and people living on the streets. The work of the local FNB during the pandemic, when the state completely abandoned the poorest people, deserves great recognition.

When the Ostrava Anarchist Federation was founded, he was actively involved in its activities. He was actively involved in the issue of political squatting, but he did not forget to support political prisoners in the Phoenix case. In 2020, Filip joined the syndicalist union Workers' Initiative, where he could share his experience as a streetworker and in general working conditions in the social sphere. Gradually, however, Filip's long-term health problems caught up with him, and the December frosts at the end of this year proved fatal.

Philip was an example of a man who fought for his convictions to the very end. He didn't mince words, he said what he thought, he went against the tide.

Honor his memory.
No pasaran!

From Anarchistické Federace:

The memory of Filip was also dedicated by his friends from the local hc-punk subculture. On Tuesday, December 20, in honor of their just deceased friend, they organized a noisy party in the Art Club's rehearsal room in Frýdek-Místek. Bands from Frýdek and the surrounding area played at the event under the black and red flag: Aqva Silentia, D-Mentality, Unrest and Backfliping Dog. A slam recitation remembering Filip as a punk surrounded by friends was also a unique farewell: "No, we're not going to cry now. I will laugh, even Philip would laugh if he were standing here. So let's wipe the tears and throw mugs, shots and glasses at each other and remember our friends and brothers - some loudly, others quietly." There was also refreshments from Food not Bombs. Both those who knew Filip and those who were close to his musical taste and social attitudes were invited, or those who for which he has been preparing hot meals for the past six years as part of the local FNB collective. Entrance was free, with the provision that any proceeds from the voluntary entrance fee would go to Filip's children.

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Burma: The Rebellion is built on Hope

This article is an article written by a Burmese anarchist comrade "Obi-Y Kanochi". Obi-Y Kanochi reflects a lot of issues on Myanmar's revolution and the current situations in Burma. Besides, comrade Obi-Y Kanochi conducted an interview one of the female rebels "Leisa" regarding armed struggles and her insights on the ongoing revolution in Burma.

By Obi-Y Kanochi
English Translation by Michi
January 14, 2023
https://libcom.org/article/rebellion-built-hope-interview-leisa-female-r...

It has been nearly two years since the Myanmar military seized state power through a coup. Despite their brutal oppression and cohesion over the entire population through various methods, people continue to resist their rule in various ways, ranging from CDM to arm struggles. Especially in the country's central region and the rural area, where the military’s Russian-made jets and helicopters are bombing and their land forces are razing the villages into the ground.

The will of people who do not want to be governed by the military has forced the rural peasant militia to fight on indefinitely, much like the Phoenix may ever rise from the ashes.

However, the Myanmar Spring did not begin as an armed struggle in the early stages of the anti-coup. It began as a peaceful protest of factory workers and students, the Civil Disobedience Movement of government workers, and some urban youth movements like Block Boc style "Owning the Hood," which blocked the district and built barricades and autonomy, and the "Non-Cooperation Movement," which boycotted the military's enterprise and products, such as taxation or an electric bill.

These spontaneous actions are not driven by a single command body or systemic resistance; to be more specific, they are not led by the electoral winning party NLD (National League for Democracy), CRPH (Committee Representative of Parliament), or its supporters, or by a social justice warrior of a specific activist. When a need arises, the society steps in, and various classes with different ideological backgrounds come together and support each other for the common goal.

We have seen what statisticians might have called utopian in the first six months of the coup.

Technically, both coup militaries failed to establish their rule, and the electoral winner didn’t have the chance to rule. Because of the CDM movement, the government's healthcare and education services have been suspended, and brave volunteers have stepped forwards to fill the gap the society requires while it lasts. While the police were busy confronting the demonstration, vigilant volunteers formed a security team and patrolled day and night in their ward and district. Mutual aid is a natural response to the needs of a society where there is no crime and solidarity is strong; from street vendors to small shopkeepers, their contributions to society range from individual to mass and meet its needs. But such a realistic utopia of no government is destroyed by the overuse of force by the military and police. The brutal crackdown, mass killings, and use of lethal weapons over unarmed protest have forced people to flee the city and fight back, and the revolution has dramatically changed into an arm struggle.

Today I had a chance to interview an old comrade who is currently active and involved in a local militia group, or LPD (Local People Defense). From this interview, we can reflect, rewind, and review the libertarian movement from one aspect through her personal view and experience of the revolution.

Obi-Y: How did you get involved in the armed resistance revolution?

Leisa: I started to be involved in the Urban Resistance movement with some UG groups. When it failed and we were forced to flee from the cities, some of my comrades went to EAO (Ethnic Armed Organizations) control areas to get basic combat training.

I was left alone in the city to continue supporting those doing CDM (Civil Disobedience Movement). There are 20 CDM government workers for whom I have been providing mutual aid support.

Every month, I provided each CDM officer with one sack of rice and 50,000 Kyats (about 25 USD).

All the way, I had to sell all my properties, and only when I could not afford to do so did I start asking for donations from other people online. Since the revolution started, I have sold all my belongings, including my home and car, let alone my other personal items. And then, my comrades returned from training in the jungle. At first, we could not decide which resistance force to join, and finally, we decided to join an LPDF (Local People Defense) in the region, the SBDF, and we enlisted in their base of two camps. At that time, we did not have public trust and people's support either. We had to eat and survive only with what we could find in the jungle, such as bamboo shoots and fish paste. Even so, we try to produce highly explosive material, hand-made rifles, and bombs with limited skills and knowledge, which we learned from short course training. I have to take on the role of transportation and logistics for support only. Whether it is rainy or sunny, day or night, I smuggled the materials and weapons that were made in hidden places in the city by motorbike to our resistance camp. Not to mention, there were many incidents where I nearly got arrested. To be honest, I am scared to die, and by fighting and striving not to die, I became a strong woman.

People like us who don’t have faith in eternal life are more afraid of death because once we die, it's over. As much as our resistance force needs tremendous support, it is highly effective and performs many operations with great resolution. And, of course, we can’t do it by ourselves without the solidarity, support, and mutual aid of the people. We also have a treasurer, whose alias name is Mr. Yar Zar. Through his connections abroad, we received much support from overseas migrant workers. On the other hand, we suffered a lot of casualties and hardship in the struggle. We started with twenty comrades who EAO trained, but now we only have three, while half are KIAs (killed in action), and the rest are wounded and do not fit for a fight anymore.

Despite our losses, victory is in our grasp everywhere we roll; we managed to operate and accomplish tonnes of missions within two years. We have data and statistics that we will reveal to the public after the revolution.

Obi-Y: Could you elaborate on how your resistance group within the SBDF branch transformed into the current Buffalo Soldier?

Leisa: In our SBDF branch's two camps, we only had thirty members, and we didn’t have enough food and materials to produce arms. There is no electricity either. We had to run the generator to manufacture the arms, which cost 50,000 kyats (about 24 USD) per day in fuel. So, we discussed our survival and decided to boost our public relations role and reveal some missions to the public to attract funding. Regarding the arms and ammunition, we might get them from the NUG (National Unity Government) if we enter their COC (Chain of Command). After making that decision, we asked permission from Commander Than Ma Ni of the SBDF to form a new local defence group called "Dynamite," and permission was granted.

The fame of the new militia group has spread throughout the region, and we have gained support from the locals. We could even buy an assault rifle. New recruits are arriving day by day to join us, not only from the region but also from our neighbors. In this way, our group started to complete the features of a battalion with men's power. With the help of a former NLD (National League for Democracy) party member and youth coordinator from the village, we applied to become an official battalion recognised by NUG’s MOD (Ministry of Defense). And he was appointed the commander of our battalion. As we know, the organisational structure of the battalion is a very top-down hierarchy. Personally, I didn’t like it, but I was just in the minority, so I had to follow their decision according to majoritarian democracy. And then something happened that caused us to split up again: I and the other half of my comrades left the battalion to become buffalo soldiers.

We agreed to leave the belongings, arms, and ammunition we got from donation funding while we were in the Dynamite group for the battalion, and here we go again, starting from scratch. However, there is no longer a top-down authority structure in Buffalo Soldiers. Everyone is assigned their own role and responsibility. I am officially in charge of accounting and delegation to speak with the public and other groups.

Obi-Y: As a woman who is practically fighting in the arm revolution, have you encountered patriarchal stigma and gender discrimination?

Leisa: Definitely, I have faced many obstacles, from gender discrimination to religious influence. Mostly, monks saved us. They received shelter and food from the monasteries.

In one case, we, the women, were not allowed to go to the second floor of the monastery, which is the only place to get internet access. When the monks came, we had to show respect and put our palms together in front of our chests. We were mocked for having tattoos, wearing trousers, and putting on makeup by some village folks. However, for now, everything is settled, and we managed to build trust and mutual respect with the head monk to a point where we could equally have an argument. As I show my respect for their religion, they have to show their respect for my freedom and my values. In general speaking, there are some power monger monks in this Buddhist community; they believe they are morally superior to their devotees. Besides, they are arrogant and enjoy power over their believers. In this way, they associate with politicians, and religion and politics have always intertwined.

In the past, the rural villagers dared not even step into the shadows of the monks who called themselves Sangha, Buddha’s sons, and put on the religious robe as a power uniform just to gain wealth and power. But now they are swearing at those monks who stand for injustice. They ignore them when it comes to donations. They begin to question Kan's consequences (Karama). I am quite satisfied to see those actions. Furthermore, I believe that only progressive monks are capable of critically examining the religious beliefs and values that have been passed down and influenced them from generation to generation, and only they are capable of demolishing the religious wall they have built. That’s why I think we have made some improvements as we progress. People now have disbelief in the power that religion has built, and the religious stigmas are now disappearing.

Obi-Y: Do you also think there is some improvement in women’s rights and feminism?

Leisa: I am not a female Nazi, so I don’t have many one-sided opinions on that matter. I want to share one incident I had in my battalion days as an example. A girl took a video of a guy when he unknowingly exposed his butt while playing the marbles game, and she spread the video to the whole group just for fun. The guy got embarrassed, and he almost started the fight. I stood up for that guy and blamed those girls at that time. "Did you girls think that was a joke?" Everyone has face and dignity, whether girls or boys; you have to respect that. Now that the victim is a boy, you think you are not to blame. But if he were you, you would start pulling it out as sexual harassment and play the victim card, right? This is because you see the boy not as a human, but as a man should be, and you accept society's gender values.

Young people are getting fooled by Facebook posts about being smart women! (Wokeness).

If you cannot see people as they are and distinguish them as men and women as a gender, which is not equality. We must treat people as we would like to be treated, regardless of gender. When one female cannot change herself and have mutual respect. She is not qualified to say gender equality after seeing us and then being neither solidarity nor equality and demanding lady-first for everything. In general, although rural people have started to accept that women can have tattoos and wear shorts and men and women can equally work, sex and sexuality are still taboo.

Obi-Y: As an anarchist, to what extent do you expect to achieve liberty and equality from this spring revolution as of now?

Leisa: In my own opinions and beliefs, I wish to achieve that point where no one can rule anyone and the government is no longer needed. In reality, however, we are fighting a representative democratic system against a military dictatorship. I already knew that, but the situation that I am in has forced me to fight, and I have no privilege option but to fight and survive, so I decided to fight in this revolution because of one sincere hope that together with the revolution, we will be able to extinguish the long forgotten oppressed rights, class struggle, religious extremism, and gender discrimination to some degree.

Obi-Y: Finally, do you have anything to add?

Leisa: To be honest, those who are actively fighting in the revolution are mostly from lower-class mass and rural peasant families. There is no shallow soul in sight. People in the middle who are progressive or liberally educated (the petty bourgeoisie) are less involved; we live in a society where some privileged claim rights by extending and knowing what freedom is only by price. I, myself, am fighting this for my own belief or self-interest that I might be able to change something a little; I do not expect much. Even my small contribution will spontaneously change in one day. And I will continue to fight day by day, each with new hope.

According to the statement of AAPP (the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners), 22,00 protesters and bystanders have died since the coup until now. The death toll in conflict zones, as well as the difficulties of documenting human rights violations in an increasingly closed country, make calculating an exact number of people killed difficult. In many villages and towns, the junta's attacks drove out tens of thousands of people. UNOCHA (the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) predicted that as of early September 2022, 974,000 people had been internally displaced since the coup. Between the coup and June 2022, over 40,000 people fled to neighbouring countries, and the Junta has called for re-election to ease the pressure of international legitimacy for their rule, but the people's resistance is built on hope.

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Anarchism is for the contemporary working classes

Anarchism is for the contemporary working classes

From Freedom News UK

Marxism is not for the contemporary working classes.

Marxism claims to be for the contemporary working classes. But the intellectual foundations work to exclude the very people, like me, they claim to want to emancipate. As a movement, it inherently demands interacting with key writers and influential theorists. There is a lore that comes with Marxism which demands you interact with key theorists like Marx, Engels, Lenin, etc. You have to be clued up to adequately find your tiny niche of Marxism within the Left. You must read enough to defend this position unequivocally. When Marxists are confronted with critiques of Marx such as racism or misogyny, they argue that the movement continues to adapt. Yet Marxism militantly preserves the values and hierarchies of its movement that places Marx and Engels on an untouchable pedestal. You can have debate, so long as it complements Marx’s original teachings. Whatever so-called ‘evolution’ that does take place continues without the working classes, instead preserving the insular, academic, inaccessible writings originally created by Marx himself. Marxist writings are expensive and genuinely hard to grasp without having someone to educate or translate as you go. It seems, therefore, that for all its efforts, Marxism is inherently alienating to the working classes. I’m not saying that the working classes are somehow intellectually unable to read Marx – far from it. What I mean to say is that Marxism is designed to be exclusive, merely performatively representing us without including us. In the same way the legal system is designed to be illusive and confusing, Marxist literature demands a significant amount of time and energy dedicated to decoding it. Sure, Marx was never interested in alienating the working classes from his writing anyway – in Capital, he argued that capitalism alone was enough to destroy capitalism. But how can you claim to represent the best interests of working classes without bringing us along with you?

Anarchism can fall into these pitfalls too. Anarchism has a lore, there is no denying. Bakunin, Kropotkin, Proudhon are all seen as the readings to dip the toe into anarchy. And some other anarchist media I have read or watched have been accessible enough only because I’ve had the opportunity to spend three years getting used to reading academic language.

But the key difference is I can consider myself an anarchist without having read these writings.

Unlike Marxism, Anarchism doesn’t demand the investment into these key theorists. It encourages education through theory, and people driving the movement do a great job distributing (almost) free leaflets, newsletters and zines promoting anarchist values, but it equally recognises and legitimises living anarchically. Anarchism is action as much as it is education. Equally, as Ibáñez argues, unlike Marxism’s lack of compromise, Anarchism is inherently malleable, it is complex and multifaceted, it provides the space for critique and compromise, and it evolves. Because of this, it doesn’t immediately alienate the working class, rather providing them with the chance to explore, allowing them to help shape the aims of the movement, and most importantly, reach their own conclusions rather than be forced into one. Working class people are far from stupid. We are far from incapable. Marxism acts and reacts as though we are. How can Marxism promise to emancipate the masses whilst simultaneously suppressing us within their movement?

Importantly, this is not to completely write off the legitimacy of Marxist writings, or the achievements of working class Marxists and Communists. Many have carried out important work towards the emancipation of the working classes and have heavily influenced Anarchism. Unfortunately though, my experiences have proven that the majority of these people seek to tell other working class people what’s in our best interests rather than encouraging individual and community self-liberation. Equally, the movement is dominated by patronising middle class people with similar ambitions – ‘we know what’s best for you’ or the stereotype of those who have spent their lives reading and not doing.

Anarchism captures a lot of values or visions that many working class people admire – without calling themselves, or realising these values are, anarchic. The most striking from personal experience is the anger at the existence of money. I have painful experiences of consoling my mum as she wept, worrying about paying rent, bills, debts, begging for money to not exist, pleading for society to return to trading goods and services instead. Whatever your critiques of this position might be, it demonstrates the looming power that money holds over the working classes. The eradication of money, of wage slavery, is anarchic. Every working class person I have met have demonstrated the physical effects their work have had on their bodies – scars, mobility issues, mental exertion. Unlike a Marxist approach, which doesn’t actually try to emancipate workers from the power structures of waged labour, Anarchism aims for the emancipation of all people from the boot of employers. People like my mum dream of working, of doing something, anything, they actually enjoy, something creative and productive, instead of falling into something by happenstance and feeling stuck without an alternative. That is anarchic. My experiences have also proven the working classes stick together. They look out for each other. I may not have enjoyed it when I was younger (wishing I could live like the middle class kids I grew up around), but my mum and her friends shared resources between each other – the older kids handed clothes down to us younger kids, expensive technology like TVs or laptops were gifted when they were needed, we were taught how to sew up tears, family friends and neighbours taught each other the best ways to repair things like bikes or mould, families pooled food together and fed all of us at once. It was important to learn how to survive away from the State, who did more to work against us than support us. We did it because we learnt that self-sufficiency and community was more important to survival than voting for those who preferred to vilify us, patronise us, reform us.

For many working class people, these examples are our difficult, unstable realities. Therefore, it is because of our positioning, because we are forced to live these realities every day, working class people live anarchically. This, as much as the title of this piece, might seem like an obvious conclusion for some learned anarchists – historically, those at the forefront of the anarchist movement have been working class people. But as a working class person relatively new to the movement, these conclusions feel somewhat revolutionary. And this highlights a huge issue…

The issue Anarchism has is putting its name to these values in everyday contemporary working class life. A lot of work is needed in bridging the gap between the values I have mentioned and the relation to anarchy within the working classes. This bridging between Anarchism and working class people must happen soon. The climate breakdown becomes an unstoppable wildfire heading towards the working classes, and fascism continues to spread like a disease that targets the working class to both fuel their movement and exploit their labour. There are very few contemporary working class leftist role models, especially for men, which allows for the likes of Andrew Tate and others to spew their hatred uncontested. With hope in working class communities at rock bottom there’s no wonder some of these messages resonate. But the working classes need to know that what they are already living is an alternative way of existing. The working classes should know that thanks to their existence, there can be hope.

Anarchism can demonstrate an alternative. Direct action is powerful. It is effective. In working class communities, we can prove that the everyday instabilities the contemporary working classes live is living and breathing Anarchism. Direct action provides a chance to both realise class consciousness, as Marxism hopes for, whilst moving away from a patronising approach to allow the working classes the freedom to decide how to act and organise themselves. But without an alternative – that is, by doing nothing – there can be no education, only indoctrination.

Daniel Newton


Image: Guy Smallman

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Attack in Memory of the Base in Brooklyn

Via Abolition Media

The storefront of Altitude Cannabis Club in Brooklyn, NY was attacked with three of its windows shattered and a message scrawled on its door.

The building that Altitude is located at is the former address of the Base, an anarchist political space that many of us revolutionaries held near and dear to our hearts and gave us a space to build community, make friends and comrades, sharpen our political knowledge, debate with others, and grow into the thorns in the side of the state and capitalism that we are today.

One thing that set the Base apart from other spaces in the city, which are run by fossilized Marcyites, hipster anarcho liberals, or bourgeois leftists of various shades, is the uncompromising focus on anti-imperialism, old school anti-capitalist radicalism, support for political prisoners, regardless of tendency, and promoting anarchism through the lens of the history of the struggle against slavery and colonialism.

The Base was the only leftist space with a preponderance of working class people in the collective or frequenting the space, many of whom were people of color, and not despite this, but because of this, they were always against liberal identity politics; which in essence is the politics of white university culture.

It was the only space that always welcomed neighborhood people and homeless folks without judgment, treated people as equals and assisted with day to day struggles.

Unlike other political spaces, the Base cared about providing us a constructive space, keeping bad actors and abusive personalities out, and became the space where those of us fed up with yuppie or cult run spaces and activist groups came to get to know each other and formulate our ideas and plans for the future.

When the landlords evicted the Base and Altitude took over, it was obvious that Altitude probably had no hand in the eviction process. However the stark contrast of what used to be and what now is was very symbolic.

An overpriced, gentrified weed club where yuppies go to waste their money instead of supporting locals, staffed by despicable hippies and hipsters.

And so in the dead of night we struck back. A last hurrah to the best anarchist space on the east coast. The space may be gone, but the ideas and bonds that were built and expanded upon there will never be broken until we all take our last dying breaths.

We will fight to continue the legacy they aimed to promote and will continue struggling against all that oppresses us.

Death to the state and capital!

US and NATO out of everywhere!

Death to every tyrant and oppressor whether big or small! And may all the landlords and the gentrifiers who sustain them be one day robbed of their ill gotten wealth and property and may it be distributed to the working class.

For revolution, we march onwards!!

Received by email.

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From a cell in 41 bis, an anarchist is making a State tremble

From Inferno Urbano, English version via Act for Freedom Now!

Leaflet given out at the gathering on February 3rd ,2023

Written February 5th 5, 2023

We receive and publish the leaflet distributed on Friday 3 February during the gathering, then demonstration, that moved from the Regional Penitentiary Administration Department to the juvenile prison.

In late afternoon of Friday 3 February in Bologna, a protest was held outside the headquarters of the Regional Penitentiary Administration Office, with noise, speakers and banners in solidarity with Alfredo against life imprisonment without appeal and 41 bis. Surrounded by a barrage of cops and journalists, a hundred or so comrades then moved along Via del Pratello where a large writing read ‘No 41 bis. Like Iran and Egypt, Italy also tortures and condemns to death’. The demonstration ended outside the juvenile prison where there were repeated riots in December. Alongside Alfredo! Let’s keep coming out into the streets!

From a cell of 41 bis an anarchist is making a State tremble!

Alfredo Cospito, along with 749 other prisoners, is buried deep in the dungeons of the 41bis regime. And it is precisely from the most hidden place in which the State’s vengeance against its most bitter enemies is carried out that he began his struggle: since 20 October 2022, he has been on an unremitting hunger strike against the 41bis regime and life imprisonment without appeal, i.e. the hard prison regime and life imprisonment without access to alternative sentences.

These two prison institutions are the clearest and most straightforward expression of what the State is: power ruled by institutionalised violence and vengeance.

The 41bis regime was formally created to prevent all forms of communication between mafia bosses and their external entourage. Following the massacres of Capaci and Via d’Amelio it was taken up by the State as a leading force in the fight against the mafia. But over the years, the application of this regime has been extended to include 750 prisoners, 2/3 of whom are not even definitively sentenced. It means that, until proven otherwise, their guilt or innocence has not been established in court. Moreover, it should be remembered that the 41bis, although flaunted as an anti-mafia banner, has its origins in Article 90 which, in the light of the season of prison breakouts, protests and prison revolts at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s (which had led to a welding between political prisoners and rebels) had established the power on the part of the Ministry of Justice to suspend normal prison regime and apply special regimes characterised by solitary confinement, the impossibility of receiving packages from outside, censorship, and severe restrictions on visits. In short, all the provisions later normalised and implemented with Art. 41 bis.

Alfredo is the first anarchist to be put under 41 bis, and we know he is not there for the charges against him, but because of the dangerousness of his ideas and his links with anarchists who continue to struggle outside. What is being punished is his anarchist identity, not a specific fact contested against him.
Therefore, even among the most ‘sincere democrats’, Alfredo’s struggle has triggered an awareness of this reality, stirring the spirits of certain politicians who have judged that it was not possible for the State to go down in history, in 2023, as an avenging executioner. They are therefore crying out from a certain left-wing “Alfredo Cospito’s life must be saved! The 41 bis revised in its application!” Let these gentlemen, sitting in comfortable armchairs and on lavish salaries, come to terms with their consciences.

Let’s go further: in these months solidarity with Alfredo’s struggle has expressed itself unabashedly and uncompromisingly, in the streets and the squares, day and night, in every corner of the peninsula and the globe. The rift opened up by Alfredo from within the 41 bis regime has been widened and reinforced through irrecuperable acts of solidarity, because they are active and concrete.

Over the past few days the media have been abandoning themselves to the worst analyses, blaming those who have carried out active solidarity for the Meloni government’s hard line concerning the 41 bis regime for Alfredo Cospito and, in the second place, by alluding to a synergy between anarchists and mafiosi against the harsh prison regime (script already tried and failed miserably following the prison riots in March 2020). And the prime minister Meloni, whose government has been cornered by an anarchist in 41bis, hastens to say that the government will not deal with those who carry out violent actions. Now, since the beginning of time, anarchists do not negotiate with the State. They reject the logic of power, exploitation, injustice, violence and fight it. Nor do they deal with the mafia, which is the other side of the coin of power. If anything, and the history of this country bears direct witness to this, it is the State that has dealt and deals with the mafia.

And this is not an inference, it is reality.
We will not take a single step backwards in the struggle against 41 bis and life imprisonment without appeal and against the whole prison.
We will not be scared off by the threats of a State that trembles in the face of the lucidity and determination of an anarchist supported by the sincere and active solidarity of his comrades, and an ever-widening circle of solidarity.

THE STATE IS ONLY ONE. WE ARE MANY AND UNPREDICTABLE.

ALONGSIDE ALFREDO, ALONGSIDE THOSE WHO STRUGGLE.

Anarchists

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