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Anarchist Prisoner Toby Shone Sentenced

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from Bristol ABC

Anarchist prisoner Toby Shone was sentenced to 3 years 9 months in prison for 8 drug offences at Bristol Crown Court on October 13, 2021 after Terrorism charges were dropped. He has already served 8 months of this sentence on remand.

The ‘drugs’ were psychedelics and medicinal plants (LSD, DMT, cannabis, THC oil, MDMA and magic mushrooms) found at two of the four properties raided by counter-terror cops in the UK South-West on November 18, 2020 in their hunt for the administrator of anarchist website 325.nostate.net.

Toby was originally charged with providing a service enabling others to access terrorist publications contrary to section 2 of the Terrorism Act 2006, fundraising for terrorist purposes contrary to section 15 of the Terrorism Act 2000, and two counts of possession of information likely to be useful to a terrorist contrary to section 58 of the Terrorism Act 2000. He had pleaded not guilty to these charges earlier this year and was due to stand trial at Bristol Crown Court on October 6, 2021. However, with no evidence to put before the court, the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) was forced to drop these charges on October 1st. This was a landmark attempt by the British State and the deranged Home Secretary Priti Patel to prosecute an anarchist under modern terrorism legislation.

The investigation into 325 continues and cops continue to harass and attempt to intimidate one of Toby’s comrades at her home.

Toby is in good spirits and remains strong. He hopes to delay being transferred to another prison until he has had his annual MRI scan for cancer which is scheduled for this month with his medical team in Bristol, so please continue to send letters of support and birthday cards (it is his birthday on October 20th) to:

Toby Shone A7645EP
HMP Bristol
19 Cambridge Road
Bishopston
Bristol
BS7 8PS
UK

Or email him via emailaprisoner.com

Solidarity with Toby!
Some Anarchists

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2 articles about Laurance Labadie

Laurence Labadie and Oriole Tucker

from Center for a Stateless Society by Eric Fleischmann

Laurance Labadie’s “Anarchism Applied to Economics”

Value is the exchange equivalency of something measured in terms of another thing. The fundamental quality upon which value depends is utility in satisfying desire. In economics, utility doesn’t mean the ‘real’ or ‘actual’ ability of a thing to accomplish or assist in accomplishing a result, but means the human estimate of the ability of a thing to satisfy desire. This estimate may be erroneous but it is in effect the measure of the desire for it. In economics, therefore, desire and utility may be considered convertible terms.

Now in procuring anything, there is a hardship to be overcome. Without this hardship nothing would possess value for no one would exchange one thing for another thing which could be had without effort. So two factors are necessary in order for a thing to have value, desire and effort to be overcome,utility and labor. Value may be enhanced by stimulating desire or by creating an artificial hindrance to production thereby affecting the equalizing forces of the law of supply and demand under competition.

Now presupposing effort to be necessary for the acquirement of two things of exchange, will they not be exchanged on the basis of equal effort? Not necessarily, for if A can produce one thing with effort of 10 and another thing for effort of 20, and the measure of effort for B to produce the things is in inverse ratio, it will be to the advantage of both to produce and exchange in any ration between the limit of which means a decreased effort for both parties. If A gains 10 times as much as B it is still to B’s advantage to exchange as long as he gains, because of reduced effort, in acquiring what he ultimately wants. The actual ratio of exchange would be determined by psychological and material conditions.

But when producers increase in numbers there arises competition in offering articles in exchange to benefit by the decrease of effort due to the division of labor. And presupposing enough producers of each commodity to satisfy the respective demands for them, competition will tend to make them exchange on a basis of labor time or effort necessary to overcome the obstacle of production.

For, should the demand for any article be more than the supply of this article offered for exchange, the probability is that a rise in the price or value will ensue. And presupposing a number of marginal workers, that is, producers whose aptitude in producing different articles is approximately equal, there will be an influx of capital and labor into production of the article which has increased in exchange value.

So it may be said that, granting free competition, that is, free and equal access to the means of production, to the raw materials, and to an unrestricted market, the price of all articles will always tend to be measured by the effort necessary for their production. In other words, labor as a factor in measuring value will become predominant.

Should there be any restrictions, however, to these phases necessary to free competition, the desire or utility factor will tend to become more prominent as a factor in the exchange value of those things to which artificial hindrances to production have been applied.

From the Anarchist standpoint, these artificial hindrances which are the cause of three main forms of usuryinterest, profit, and rent, are, in the order of their importance, monopoly in the control of the circulating mediummoney and credit, private property in land not based on occupancy and use, patent rights and copyrights, and tariffs.

It is also the claim of anarchists that government and States are involuntary and invasive institutions originated and maintained for the purpose of protecting and enforcing antisocial rights. They claim that the very first act of governments, the compulsory payment of taxes, is not only a denial of the right of the individual to determine what he shall buy and how much he shall choose to offer, but is nothing more than adding insult to injury when the very money extorted from him should be used to his disadvantage. They therefore attempt to instruct people in the belief that government, whether it be the rule of the mass by a few or of the minority by the majority, is both tyrannical and unjust, that any form of ruler-ship is bound to redound to the detriment of the ruled.

How the government protects the privileges by which usurious exploitation is made possible is easily seen upon investigation. Money interest is due to the privilege attributed to a certain kind of wealth, gold to be used as a basis for the reissuance of money, thereby putting the control of the monetizing of other kinds of credit indirectly into the hands of those holding this kind of wealth. Interest, therefore, is simply a royalty paid to the privileged class for the right to monetize one’s credit. And the rate of interest on money fixes the rate of interest on all other capital the production of which is subject to competition. The rate of interest is an index to the ‘use value’ of money and bears no relation to the labor cost of furnishing money because competition in the right to monetize wealth has been restricted to the holders of a certain kind of wealth.

Interest is nothing more than a tax and like all taxes is prohibitory in nature. In all productive enterprises as in all individuals there are grades of efficiency. Because of this slight inequality of natural abilities and on account of previous exploitation there have developed individuals and combinations possessing different aggregations of wealth. Now let us see how it is that the rate of interest on money determines rate of interest (i.e. capital returns or that portion of profit not due to increased efficiency) on all other capital the production of which is subject to a competitive supply. By the latter is meant buildings, machinery, and products such as groceries, clothing, hardware, amusements, etc. The larger producer of these things is fortunate enough to own the capital he employs while the smaller producer finds it necessary to monetize some of his wealth, that is to use his credit, in order to produce on a scale commensurable to reap some of the benefits of a larger scale of production. Now he has, in addition to the unhampered natural cost of production, an additional cost which is payment for the allowance of monetizing his wealth. As the price which both producers get for their goods is the same, it is evident that the producer who is not indebted for any of his capital reaps a profit equal to rate of interest plus that which is due to increased efficiency or to the decreasing cost due to large scale production. A similar occurrence obtains that in all things subject to competitive supply. Interest, by far the most potent force for the acquisition of unearned income, continually squeezes out the little fellow and causes vast amounts of wealth to accumulate into fewer hands. Without it, all great enterprises could not be accomplished except by the joint subscription and cooperation of a large group of persons. The Anarchist position for the abolition of interest is the repudiation of all laws prohibiting mutual banks and the abolition of all restrictions to free trade.

Rent is the tribute paid by the non-owning users of land to the non-using owner. It is quite evident that ownership in and by itself cannot and does not produce anything. It is only the use of land and things, only by labor, that anything can be produced. Therefore the anarchist denies the right of ownership of land if that ownership is not based on occupancy and use of land. No one should be allowed to hold land out of use because it is a denial of the first requisite of Anarchism, the equality of opportunity.

The other restrictions to free production and distribution are patents, copyrights, and tariffs. Anarchists deny the right of property in ideas or processes, and deny that any individual or combinations of individuals shall be restricted in exchanging their products when and where they please. They claim that all restrictions are in the form of a tax and that all taxes are ultimately paid by the consumer and insofar as the consumer is at the same time a producer, if the producer is not at the same time an owner, exploitation naturally ensues.

This concise statement of the position of the anarchist should be evident and even trite to any reflective person. While Anarchism is, in one sense, not a constructed philosophy, that is, not a “system,” anarchists stand firm “constructively” in the position above stated. What form voluntary associations which anarchists contemplate will take, remains for the future to evince. Anarchism primarily, is not an economic arrangement but a social philosophy based upon the conclusion that man is happy and independent in proportion to the freedom he experiences and can maintain.

In a world where inequality of ability is inevitable, anarchists do not sanction any attempt to produce equality by artificial or authoritarian means. The only equality they posit and will strive their utmost to defend is the equality of opportunity. This necessitates the maximum amount of freedom for each individual. This will not necessarily result in equality of incomes or of wealth but will result in returns proportionate to service rendered. Free competition will see to that. To base society on the supposition “that the laborer of great capacity will content himself, in favor of the weak with half his wages, furnish his services gratuitously, and produce for that abstraction called society,” in the words of Proudhon, “is to base society on a sentiment, I do not say beyond the reach of man, but one which erected systematically into principle, is only a false virtue, a dangerous hypocrisy.” A hypocrisy, unfortunately, eagerly subscribed to by a weak, downtrodden, and misguided proportion of the populace.

Commentary – Eric Fleischmann:

Laurence Labadie’s “Anarchism Applied to Economics” was first published in 1933 as a pamphlet via the International Anarchist Group of Detroit, then reproduced in Laurance Labadie: Selected Essays by Ralph Myers Publisher in 1978, and finally turned into digital text in 2019 by The Anarchist Library. Labadie uses this piece to explain from first principles the development of value from production and exchange to explain the logic of a free market system and the economic absurdity of the state and its interventions. In this way, it resembles the Robinson Crusoe style of many libertarian treatises, however, it goes further to contain, as almost all mutualist writing does, a condemnation of interest, rent, and profit; those deplorable weapons of wealth acquisition that earlier individualist anarchist Dyer Lum calls “the triple heads of the monster against which modern civilization is waging war.” Labadie adds as well the insight that these mechanisms are essentially forms of non-state (or, better put, indirectly statist) taxation. This lays the groundwork for continuing from the Tuckerites to the left-wing market anarchists the position that, yes, taxation (with tariff being one of the worst kinds) is theft by the unproductive/destructive state from the productive market—a position nearly universal to radical libertarians—but so are parasitic and usurious relationships within markets themselves when they are rendered systemically unfree by monopolistic control of banking/money, land, and other means of production—often via intellectual property law.

Labadie dreams then of a world in which wealth is exclusively the outcome of individual or cooperative production and voluntary exchange. And further, production and exchange are inseparably connected by Labadie’s own version of the labor theory of value which holds that the factors that determine value are utility and labor, with labor being the more fundamental as—in the absence of artificial hindrances against “free and equal access to the means of production, to the raw materials, and to an unrestricted market”—the price of commodities will tend toward cost of production; their labor value. It is only in the presence of artificial restrictions that marginal utility becomes the dominant definer of value. 

This take on the LTV not only follows from other anti-capitalist individualists such as Benjamin Tucker and Josiah Warren, but actually anticipates the more contemporary work on the LTV done by Kevin Carson that attempts to combine Austrian economic insights with traditional mutualist economics. As Center for a Stateless Society describes, Carson argues that “the insights of marginalism should be integrated as an additional component of classical political economy (LTV) and not as a standalone doctrine. He claims that the truth is akin to scissors: the top blade is marginal utility, which is the most influential short term factor, and that in the long run competition is always driving price toward cost with the bottom blade, never reaching it though due to the fluid nature of economic equilibrium. Which blade of the scissor is actually doing the cutting is hard to know for certain.” And furthermore, like Labadie, Carson holds that “[i]n an economy of distributive property ownership, as would have existed had the free market been allowed to develop without large-scale robbery, time-preference would affect only laborers’ calculations of their own present consumption versus their own future consumption. All consumption, present or future, would be beyond question the result of labor.” The similarities between the two interpretations of the LTV are both uncanny and demonstrative of their organic development.

I would go as far as to claim that, alongside his “Economics of Liberty,” this is perhaps the most straightforward explanation of mutualist economics I have ever read. In only a few pages, Labadie outlines the virtues of liberty and the perils of monopoly to create an argument that is both vehemently anti-statist and anti-capitalist, but surprisingly non-partisan. It is therefore my pleasure to reproduce and comment on this first piece in the Laurance Labadie Archival Project.

Announcing: The Laurance Labadie Archival Project

Laurence Labadie (1898-1975)—son of anarchist, labor organizer, and Greenbacker Jo Labadie—was a grouchy and hermetic man of a tradition that he felt had been left behind by so-called ‘progress’ and who kept unusual and, at times, deplorable company (years after his death, his friend James J. Martin would even take justifying anti-war positions to the point of Holocaust denialism). David S. D’Amato, perhaps the foremost scholar alive on Labadie, describes him as “a classic curmudgeon, quick to find fault and disinclined to suffer fools gladly” and “[m]arked by a deep and pronounced contempt for his fellow man.” He himself seemed not to believe that his ideas would ever have much impact on the world, and so he positioned himself as a kind of apocalyptic preacher of individualist anarchy; combining the deep pessimism of Arthur Schopenhauer, the amoralist egoism of Max Stirner, and the economic philosophies of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Benjamin Tucker into a worldview that rivals any anarchist’s of any age in its fiery radicalism. D’Amato writes that his life “appears very much like his anarchism, a deliberate, often anachronistic struggle against the vogues and prevailing winds of his day, a hopeless attempt to revive an energy faded or extinguished entirely. His thought belonged to a libertarian strain regrettably anchored to those of the previous generation or two, to a time just before the ‘official’ anarchist movement coalesced firmly around communist and syndicalist patterns of thought.”

And yet despite his dark and, in his opinion, outdated view of the world, he is, at the very least, an essential figure in perpetuating the ideas that would lead to the contemporary left-wing market anarchist / freed market anti-capitalist movement. It is often pointed out that the individualist anarchism of Tucker and his acolytes, as Wayne Price writes, “was overtaken [within anarchism] by anarchist-communism. It died out, with remnants being assimilated into alien theories of ‘libertarian’ capitalism and so-called ‘anarcho-capitalism.’” However, Labadie—thanks, in part, to the particular set of decades in which he lived—serves as the essential puzzle piece in an underlying narrative that ties the Tuckerites directly to the reemergence of left-wing individualism with Karl Hess, Samuel Edward Konkin III, Robert Anton Wilson, and, at least for a period of time, Murray Rothbard, and what D’Amato sees as a 21st Century “individualist anarchist revival of sorts, [with] the internet allowing curious libertarians access to priceless treasures such as Shawn Wilbur’s Liberty archive, brought to the web from John Zube’s microfiche collection” (a project now run by the Union of Egoists website) and authors such as Kevin Carson, Roderick Long, Gary Chartier, and Charles Johnson establishing left-wing market anarchism as a contemporary school of thought as part of organizations such as the Molinari Institute, Alliance of the Libertarian Left, and Center for a Stateless Society. And this is all not even to mention the role played by the Joseph A. Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan, which, among numerous other pieces of radical literature, has preserved important North American mutualist and individualist anarchist writing.

Considering the theoretical and historical relevance of Labadie and his work to contemporary market anarchism, continued conversation and research is essential. And a great step in renewing this interest can be found in the forms of Little Black Cart’s Anarcho-Pessimism: The Collected Writings Of Laurence Labadie and Ralph Myers Publishers’ Laurance Labadie: Selected Essays (number seven in their series Libertarian Broadsides). But not only is the latter of these almost exclusively available as a rough PDF scan, but many of his works are available in only one place online or are, to my knowledge, completely unavailable except in rare and vintage hardcopy. Therefore, it is with great excitement that I announce the beginning of an enterprise christened the Laurance Labadie Archival Project, the goal of the project being to purchase or track down, reproduce in digital text form, and add commentary to numerous pieces by Labadie on the C4SS website so that they will be made more widely and freely available. 

Finally, a big thanks to Center for a Stateless Society and Union of Egoists at UnionOfEgoists.com, without whom this project would not have been possible. 

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Mikita Yemyalyanau on hunger strike

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from belsat.eu

Original title: Political prisoner Mikita Yemyalyanau on hunger strike for two weeks

Mikita Yemyalyanau was placed in a disciplinary cell for 20 days; two weeks ago, he started hunger-striking, the human rights centre Viasna reports.

It has become known that Mikita Yemyalyanau has been kept in punitive confinement since October, 11. The administration of Mahiliou prison Nr 4, where Mikita is serving his sentence, has twice imposed 10-day terms on him as a punishment for allegedly violating internal rules.

On October 11, Mikita went on a hunger strike in protest. The prison authorities failed to arrange his meeting with a priest, although the young man had written a corresponding appeal in the summer. In addition, the political prisoner is barred from receiving letters from his friend Zmitser Paliyenka and other people.

On September 22, Mikita Yemyalyanau was released from punitive isolation ward after serving 42 days there. Then six protocols were drawn upon him.

Belarusian anarchists Mikita Yemyalyanau and Ivan Komar were charged under Art. 341 of the Criminal Code (‘desecration of buildings and destruction of property;), Art. 295.3 (‘wrongful acts involving combustible materials’) and Art. 344 (‘intentional damage to historical and cultural values’).

The two 19-year-olds were detained on 20 October 2019. According to the investigators, in September, the men pelted the building of Minsk City Court with paint bulbs; a month later, the duo threw a Molotov cocktail at the detention facility in Valadarski street. In such a way, they allegedly expressed solidarity with Zmitser Paliyenka, another activist of the anarchist movement, who was standing trial in the autumn of 2019.

The trial kicked off on 6 February 2020 in Savetski district court of Minsk. On February 11, public prosecutor Ihar Seneu asked the court to sentence them to seven years of imprisonment in a medium security penal colony. Delivering the verdict, judge Alyaksandr Yakunchykhin took heed of the prosecution’s demand.

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Cats, crows and planet Earth

damn, you draw good - I mean - Write an anarchist prisoner today!

from opendemocracy.net

Drawings by Belarusian political prisoners

Since Belarus’s presidential elections in August last year, the country has been gripped by a brutal crackdown by security forces.

Protesters, politicians, civil society participants and journalists have been detained and tortured, and many are facing prison sentences. The Viasna Human Rights Center states there are currently 812 political prisoners in the country.

In response to this wave of police violence and arbitrary detention, solidarity campaigns in support of those facing imprisonment on politically motivated charges have sprung up. But with little information about what life is like inside Belarus’s prison system, people on the outside rely on letters, and often drawings, by prisoners.

Mediazona, a media outlet reporting on law and justice, recently published a series of illustrations based on images by Belarusians who have found themselves behind bars over the past year – student activists, protesters, ideological opponents of the Lukashenka regime, and artists.

We translate and republish the article with permission here. You can find openDemocracy's recent coverage of Belarus here.

Nadzeya Kalach

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.1, Minsk

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Nadzeya Kalach | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Nadzeya Kalach is a member of Belarusian folk rock group Irdorath, and is accused of “seriously disturbing public order”. She was detained in August 2021.

In a letter to a friend, Kalach says she misses certain songs (her friend has made a playlist of these songs on YouTube), and reports how she and her cellmates made a cake, and blew out a lighted match on top of it.

“I’m not free now, but what we created and launched into the world is. My voice is still on our songs, as are our instruments. People are listening to these songs somewhere and this brings them joy. I love it,” she writes.

Siarhei Ramanau

KGB Pre-Trial Detention Centre, Minsk

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Siarhei Ramanau | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Siarhei Ramanau is accused of “committing a terrorist act” and “unlawful actions relating to flammable substances”. He is one of four anarchists named by the Belarusian Border Service as “radicals with an impressive arsenal [of weapons]” after their arrest last autumn.

Outside correspondence rarely reaches people inside the KGB Pre-Trial Detention Centre, and Ramanau tends to write short letters. According to his friends, he used to sketch tattoo designs, and took up pencil drawing when he was imprisoned from 2014 to 2019.

Dzmitry Dubousky

KGB Pre-Trial Detention Centre, Minsk

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Dzmitry Dubousky | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Anarchist Dzmitry Dubousky is a defendant facing the same charges as Siarhei Ramanau. He says that he is improving his pencil-drawing skills while in jail, and he sent his sister Yulia a letter and a drawing with this message:.

“Here’s a drawing that reflects the atmosphere in our cell :). Sometimes I get carried away with thoughts and reflections; this is how our days pass.”

Ales Minau

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.1, Minsk

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Ales Minau | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Ales Minau was a teacher of Belarusian language and literature in Minsk until he was arrested in August 2021. He is accused of “seriously disturbing public order”.

In a letter to his friend Arina, Minau drew a picture of the world with the phrase “Why is there so much evil in the world?” in Ukrainian.

“Sometimes sadness tries to creep up on me, but I have stopped feeling sorry for myself or complaining about my fate, and I expect the worst to happen,” he wrote.

Kim Samusenka

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.1, Minsk

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Kim Samusenka | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Kim Samusenko is one of four people accused of hacking into the Minsk City Executive Committee’s IT systems, and has been behind bars since November 2020. His wife Alesya recalls that she asked Kim to “draw something nice, to have a nice reminder of him”. Samusenko drew a cat, which in Alesya’s opinion looks like her husband: “It’s just as positive as him, and with the same ironic take on the world.”

“There’s this wonderful autumn on the other side. I would also like to walk around in it with the whole family,” he wrote in a letter, describing the pleasure of daily exercise in prison.

Kasya Budzko

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.1, Minsk

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Kasya Budzko | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Kasya Budko, a student, has been sentenced to two and a half years in prison for “seriously disturbing public order” in connection with student protests.

She sent a surreal drawing to a friend, and shares some news in a letter: a new cellmate who speaks Belarusian. Budko, who speaks Russian, says that she “might, at last, overcome my internal barrier and start speaking Belarusian”.

Maria Kalenik

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.3, Homyel

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Maria Kalenik | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Maria Kalenik, a student at the Belarusian State Academy of Arts, was sentenced to two and half years in prison in the same case as Kasya Budko. She often sends letters with drawings of animals to her friends, and sent pictures of a cat and a squirrel to her friends Hleb and Darina.

“This cat is angry because he’s been woken up,” she explained. Budko drew a squirrel, Darina says, just because it’s art and they regularly discuss art and design.

Ruslan Slutsky

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.2, Minsk

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Ruslan Slutsky | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Ruslan Slutsky was detained in January 2021. According to investigators, he had left a number of home-made anti-tyre spikes on a road in the Vitsebsk region ahead of a car rally in support of the Belarusian authorities in November 2020.

In a letter to a penpal, Polina, Slutsky says that he started drawing two months after he was jailed. “And you can see the results in this drawing,” he wrote. “I receive letters from friends, and now I have one more. Thank you so much.”

Ivan Krasousky

Pre-Trial Detention Centre No.1, Minsk

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Ivan Krasousky | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Ivan Krasousky, an anarchist, was sentenced to three years of open prison for participating in the post-election protests of 2020-21. After receiving a postcard from a penpal, Darina, Krasousky sent back a drawing of SpongeBob SquarePants. “Your postcard is UNBELIEVABLY cool! It cheered us up no end!” he wrote. Krasousky’s penpal says she cannot remember what she originally sent.

Ales Pushkin

Investigative Prison No.8, Zhodzina

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Ales Pushkin | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Ales Pushkin, an artist and performer, was detained on 30 March this year, and is charged with “rehabilitating Nazism”. Now in prison, he sends his friend Valeria drawings and drafts of a future book.

Pushkin’s picture is accompanied by a poem: “In Hrodna, I heard a crow cry/ The crow is the embodiment of Odin/ I am a descendant of Vikings.”

Anastasia Mirontsava

Prison Colony No.4, Homyel

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Anastasia Mirontsava | Illustration: Maria Tolstova / Mediazona

Anastasia Mirontsava was sentenced to two years in prison for participating in the August 2020 protests, on charges of “seriously disturbing public order” and “attacking a police officer”.

In an August 2021 letter, Mirontsava talks about a woman she’d met in prison, who takes care of flowers in a prison garden and gets angry if someone touches them. The woman told her that eight years ago, when another prisoner who took care of the flowers was released, the flowers started to die. Mirontsava’s new acquaintance had to take responsibility for them – unwillingly at first.

“Her eyes get so bright when she starts talking about the flowers! She says that they can feel everything. What you say to them, they communicate back. They send the same energy back. She says that the flowers are also imprisoned here.” Mirontsava also included a picture of a tree planted by the “first woman” in the prison 15 years ago.

Illustrations by Maria Tolstova.

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More sledgehammer attacks against banks

Hammer time!

from Athens Indymedia, via raddle.me, translated by cretin

Original title: Athens, Greece: More sledgehammer attacks against banks in solidarity with anarchist comrades G. Kalaitzidis and N. Mataragas (English translations of claims of responsibility + Videos of both actions)

Attack on an Alpha Bank branch in solidarity with anarchist comrades G. Kalaitzidis and N. Mataragas

original Greek language claim of responsibility: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1614914/

The state has long made decisions about what it wants to do with those who fight and when the fight they wage is against its interests.

That is why, with a trial based on an unfounded indictment that began on October 13 and continues on Friday, October 29, the state is trying to sentence two fighters to life for moral and physical instigation of homicide.

But we stand by those who are fighting and we will do everything we can to show our solidarity. That is why we carried out an attack with sledgehammers on an Alpha bank branch in Kifissia.

NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE

SOLIDARITY TO G. KALAITZIDIS AND N. MATARAGAS

Solidarity

Video: https://twitter.com/fumikokaneko1/status/1452827938253012997

Attack on a Eurobank branch in solidarity with anarchist comrades G. Kalaitzidis and N. Mataragas

original Greek language claim of responsibility: https://athens.indymedia.org/post/1614916/

The state has long made decisions about what it wants to do with those who fight and when the fight they wage is against its interests.

That is why, with a trial based on an unfounded indictment that began on October 13 and continues on Friday, October 29, the state is trying to sentence two fighters to life for moral and physical instigation of homicide.

But we stand by those who are fighting and we will do everything we can to show our solidarity. That is why we carried out an attack with sledgehammers at the Eurobank store on Athens Avenue, in Chaidari.

NO ONE ALONE IN THE HANDS OF THE STATE

SOLIDARITY TO G. KALAITZIDIS AND N. MATARAGAS

Solidarity

Video: https://twitter.com/fumikokaneko1/status/1452829561419223042

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