ንዳርጋ 5 ኣዋርሕ ብዘይ መንግስቲ ዝጸንሔት ሃገር  ሽወደን  ብምሕዝነት 4ተ ሰልፍታት መንግስቲ ቆይሙ

እቲ ብ9 መስከረም 2018 ዝተካየደ ህዝባዊ ምርጫ ሃገር ሽወደን ብሰንኪ ዉጺኢት ተዋዳደርቲ ሰልፍታት ናይ ጸጋምን ናይ የማንን 144 ብ143 ስለ ዝወጹ፡ ብመሰረት ቅዋም እታ ሃገር ዓብላሊ ድምጺ ኣብ ባይቶ ክረኽቡ ስለ ዘይከኣሉ እንሆ ሎሚ ብምሕዝነት ናይ ጸጋም ደሳዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ሰልፍን ናይ ሓምላይ ሰልፍን ካብ የማን ከኣ ናይ ሊበራን ናይ ሰንተርን ብስምምዕ 73 ነጥባታት ድሕሪ 5 ወርሓት ምይይጥን ዘተን መንግስቲ ከቁሙ ከም ዝተሳማምዑ ማዕከናት ዜና ሽወደን ኣቃሊሔን። ኣቀዲሙ ግና ሃገራው ባጀን ብናይ የማን ርእይቶ ከም ዝተዓወተ ይፍለጥ። ኣብዚ ሓዲሽ መንግስቲ ከኣ መራሕ መንግስቲ  ዝነበረ ኣቶ ስታፋ ሎቨን ናይ ደሳዊ ዲሞክራስያዊ ሰልፊ ከም ዝኮነ ተቃሊሑ።

Radio 88 Demtsi Harnnet Sweden 19.01.2019

Radio 88 Demtsi Harnnet Sweden 19.01.2019

ዘይግሉጽነት ህግደፍ ዝተቃለዓሉ መዳይ

ዘይግሉጽነት ህግደፍ ዝተቃለዓሉ መዳይ

ርእሰ-ዓንቀጽ ሰዲህኤ

መንግስቲ፡ ብህዝቢ ዝተመርጸን ህዝቢ ናተይ ብዝብሎ ሕግን ስርዓትን ዝምራሕን ክኸውን እንከሎ ኣብ ቅድሚኡ ካብ ዝጽበይዎ ብደሆታት ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ግሉጽ ተሓታቲ ምዃንን ዘይምዃንን እዩ። እቲ ተሓታትነት ኣብ ዙርያ ኣተገባብራ ናይቲ ብህዝቢ ንመንግስቲ ዝተዋህበ ሓላፍነት ዝካየድ እዩ። ብህዝቢ ሓላፍነት ዝተዋህበ መንግስቲ እንታይ ክገብርን እንታይ ከይገብርን ከም ዝግበኦ ዝተድረተ ሓላፍነት ኣለዎ። ካብቲ ተደሪቱ ዝተዋህቦ ሓላፍነት ቀይሕ መስመር እንተሰጊሩ ብህዝቢ ይሕተት ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ይቕጻዕ እውን። እቲ መቕጻዕቲ “ደጊም ካብ ፈቓድና ወጻኢ ስለ ዝኸድካ ካብ ስልጣን ውረድ” ክሳብ ምባል ይድይብ። ካብ ፈቓድ ህዝቢ ወጻኢ ከይከድ ዝተዋህቦ ሓላፍነት ምስ ሰናይ ግሉጽ ተሓታትነት ዝመርሕ መንግስቲ ከኣ ይነኣድ። እቲ ናእዳ “ኣገናዕ ጽቡቕ ኣለኻሞ በቲ ሒዝካዮ ዘለኻ ኣገባብ ቀጽል” ዝብል ይኸውን።

ብህዝቢ ሓላፍነት ዝተዋህበ መንግስቲ ንህዝባዊ ተሓታትነት ይፈርሕን ካብኡ ንምድሓት ብጥቃቐ ይሰርሕን። ከም በዓል ኢሳይያስ ዝኣመሰለ ብዘይሕፍረት ጉዳይ ህዝቢ ክለዓል እንከሎ “እንታይዶ ምስ ህዝቢ ዝኣተኹዎ ኩንትራት ኣለኒ እዩ” እንዳበለ ዝብዳዕ ግና ኣግሂዱ ኣንጻር ህዝቢ ስለ ዝዓዪ፡ ብህዝቢ ከይሕተት ኣይፈርሕን እዩ። ህዝብን ብህዝቢ ኣፍልጦ ዝተዋህቦ ሕግታትን ዘኽብር መንግስቲ ብንጹር ዝሰፈረ ሓጋጊ፡ ፈጻምን ፈራድን ኣካላት ክህልዎ ይግባእ። እዚ ንጹር መንግስታዊ ናይ ስራሕ ምክፍፋል ስረሓት ንምስላጥ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንግሉጽነትን ተሓታትነት ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝብን እውን ጥጡሕ እዩ።  ከም ኩነታት ኤርትራ ነዚ ኩሉ ኣካላት መንግስቲ ሓደ ሰልፊ ወይ ውድብ ዘይኮነ ሓደ ውልቀሰም ዓምጢሩ ክሕዞ እንከሎ ግና ንኣሳልጦ ስራሕ ኮነ ንተሓታትነት ዘይጥዕም ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ዘየኽእል እዩ።

ግሉጽነት ወይ ሓበሬታ መንግስቲ ከከም ዝጥዕሞ ንህዝቢ ቆንጢሩ ዝህቦ ወይ ጠቕሊሉ ዝኸልኦ ዘይኮነ፡ ከም ሓደ መሰረታዊ መሰል እሞ ድማ ብስሩዕ ኣገባብን ብኣገደስቲ ትካላትን ቀጻልነት ብዘውሓሰ መስርሕ ዝወሃብ እዩ። ግሉጽነት ወይ ስሩዕ ዋሕዚ ሓበሬታ ኣገዳሲ ዝኾነሉ፡ ህዝቢ ኣብ መንግስቱ ዝህልዎ ናይ ምቁጽጻር ግደ  ኣብዚ ሓበሬታ ዝምርኮስ ስለ ዝኸውን እዩ። ዘይግሉጽ መንግስታት ምስ ህዝቦም ብጎቦ ዓይኒ እዮም ዝረኣኣዩ። ዘይግሉጽ ኣካይዳኻ ሓቢእካ፡ ከምዚ ናይ ህግደፍ ባዶ መዝሙር “ንሕና ንሱ፡ ንሱ ንሕና” ምዝማር ግና ሕማምካ ምሕባእ እዩ።  ሕማሙ ዝሓብእ ከኣ ሓባእ ፈውሱ እዩ።

ጉድለታት ህግደፍ ኣብ ቅድሚ ኤርትራን ህዝባን በብሓደ ዘርዚርካ ስለ ዘይውዳእ ብድብድቡ ኩሉንተናኡ ዘይቅርዑይ እዩ ኢልካዮ ምሕላፍ ዘጸግም ኣይኮነን። እንተኾነ ከከም እዋኑ ሓደ ሓደ ጉዳያት እንዳመዘዝካ ምጥቃስ’ውን ይከኣል። ዘይግሉጽነትን  ኣተሓባባእን ባህሊ ህግደፍ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ  ክለዓሉ ካብ ዝግበኦም ነጥብታት እዮም። ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ግሉጽነት የብሉን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኮነ ኢሉ ኣብ ዘይግሉጽ ዓለም ክነብር ዝወሰነ ኣካል እዩ። እዚ ጉጅለ ካብዚ ዝኸደሉ ዘሉ ኣተሓባባእ ንክወጽእ ዓቕምን ጉልበትን ከም ዝሓጽሮ ንጹር ኮይኑ፡ ዋላውን ህዝቢ ብናቱ መንገዲ ሓበሬታ ከይረክብ ኮነ ኢሉ ኣፍደገታት ዝዓጹ ምዃኑ ከኣ እቲ ጉዳይ ናይ ዓቕሚ ዘይኮነስ ናይ ባህሪ ምዃኑ የነጽረልና። እዚ ኩሉ ተጠቕሊሉ ከኣ ናብቲ “ጉዳይ ሃገር ነዓና ከም ጉጅለ እምበር ንህዝቢ ስለ ዘይምልከቶ፡ ብዛዕባ ሃገርን ህዝብን ሓበሬታ ምርካብ እንታይ ክገብረሉ” ኣብ ዝብል ትምክሕትን ንዕቀት ህዝብን ዝጠቓለል እዩ። ኣብዚ እቲ ሓበሬታ ምርካብን ዘይምርከብን ህዝቢ ባዕሉ ፈንጢሱ ከረጋግጾ ዝግበኦ እምበር ብህግደፍ ዘይትኮቦ ምዃኑ ግንዛበ ክረክብ ይግበኦ። ካብዚ ከይወጻእና እቲ ብናይ ሓበሬታ ስእነት ሃገሩ ናበይ ገጻ ትጐዓዝ ከም ዘላ ጠፊእዎ ኣብ ሰንፈላል ዘሎ ህዝቢ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ኣብ ዙርያ ኢሳይያስ ዘለዉ ኣካላት እውን ግዳይ ናይዚ ሰንፈለል ይኾኑ ከም ዘለዉ ሎሚ ናይ ኣደባባይ ሚስጥር እዩ።

እቲ ካብ ነዊሕ ግዜ ጀሚሩ ኣብ ጉዳይ ሃገረይ ጓና ይኸውን ኣለኹ ክብል ዝጸንሐ ሓፋሽ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ካብዚ ንክወጽእ ኣብ ቃልሱ ቀጺሉ ኣሎ። እቶም ነቲ ዘይግሉጽነት ከም ክዕቀብ ዝግበኦ ውርሻን ዘሕብን ባህልን ገይሮም ዝሕብሕብዎ ዘነበሩ ንጡፋት ደገፍቲ ኢሳይያስ፡ ሎምስ ናይ “ክሳብ መዓስ ብዘይግሉጽነት ንሕመስ” ድምጺ ከስምዑ ዝጀመሩ ይመስሉ። እዚ ምዕዝምዛም ሓደ ካብ ውጽኢት ምፍራስ ናይቲ ብጉዳይ ኣይውግእ ኣይሰላም ዝምድና ምስ ኢትዮጵያን ስማዊ ማዕቀብን ተፈጢሩ ዝጸንሐ መሕብኢ በዓትታት ዝውሰድ እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ኣብዚ እዋናዊ  ጉዳይ ኤርትራን ከባቢኣን ንህዝቢ ክበሃሎ ዝግባእ ዘይምሕባሩ፡ ንዘይግሉጽነቱ ሰማይ ኣዕሪግዎ ዘሎ እዩ። ሎሚ ኢሳይያስ ስቕ መሪጽሉ ዘሎ ምኽንያት፡ ምዝራብ ስኢኑ ወይ መልእኽቲ ዘመሓላልፈሉ ኣገባብ ስለ ዘይረኸበ ዘይኮነ፡ እቲ ዝዛረቦ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ቅቡል ከምዘይከውን ስለ ዝተረደአ እዩ። ክሳብ መዓስ እዩ ብኸምዚ ዓይነት ትም ክቕጽል ደጊም ኢሳያስ ዘይኮነ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክውስኖ ዝግበኦ እዩ። እዚ ሰብኣይ ኣብተን ውሱናት ብፍላይ ካብ ኤርትራ ወጻኢ ኣብ መገሻኡ ወስ ዝብለን ቃላት ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሒዝዎ ዝቐርብ ናይ ሓሳብ ስንቂ ከም ዝወደአን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣሕዲርሉ ዝነበረ እምነት ከም ዝተጸንቀቐን ተዓዚብናዮ ኢና።   

More than 100 migrants missing after dinghy sinks in Med

The vessel left Libya two days ago and started sinking after 10 to 11 hours at sea

A migrant wrapped in a Red Cross blanket

A migrant at the harbour of Malaga in January after an inflatable boat carrying 188 people was rescued by the Spanish coast guard. Photograph: Jorge Guerrero/AFP/Getty

About 117 migrants who left Libya in a rubber dinghy two days ago are unaccounted for, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) has said, after three people were rescued from the sinking vessel in the Mediterranean.

“The three survivors told us they were 120 when they left Garabulli, in Libya, on Thursday night. After 10 to 11 hours at sea (the boat) started sinking and people started drowning,” IOM spokesman Flavio Di Giacomo said.

He said the people came mainly from west Africa, adding: “Ten women including a pregnant girl were aboard and two children, one of whom was only two months old.”

An Italian military plane on sea patrol on Friday had first sighted the dinghy sinking in rough waters and had thrown two safety rafts into the water before leaving due to a lack of fuel, Rear Admiral Fabio Agostini told TV channel RaiNews24.

A helicopter dispatched from a naval ship had then rescued the three people, who were suffering from severe hypothermia and were taken to hospital on the Italian island of Lampedusa.

“During this operation at least three bodies were seen in the water who appeared to be dead,” Agostini said.

The Italian navy said it had alerted Libyan authorities who coordinated rescue operations and ordered a merchant ship to go to the site of the sinking. Rescue efforts had ceased after the search for the dinghy had proved fruitless.

According to the IOM, 2,297 migrants died or went missing in the Mediterranean last year, out of a total of 116,959 people who reached Europe by sea.

Arrivals in the first 16 days of 2019 totalled 4,449, almost all by sea, compared with 2,964 in the same period of 2018.

“As long as European ports will remain open … sea-traffickers will continue to do business and kill people,” the Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini said in a Facebook post late on Friday.

Since Italy’s populist government came to power in June, Salvini, leader of the anti-migrant League, has closed Italian ports to humanitarian vessels

Source=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jan/19/more-than-100-migrants-missing-after-dinghy-sinks-in-mediterranean

ፈጻሚ ስራሕ ኢህወዲግ ከኻይዶ ዝቐነየ አኼባ ዛዚሙ

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ይላየድ ዘሎ ለውጢ ዓሚቕን ሰፊሕን ተስፋ ሒዙ እንተመፀ እውን ስግኣታት’ውን ዝሓዘለ እዩ ኢሉ ኣኼብኡ ሎማ ዝወድአ ፈፃሚ ስራሕ ኢህወዴግ ኣፍሊጡ።ዝተወደቡ ፀረ ለውጢ ኣተሓሳስባታት ብድሆታት ኮይኖም ኣለው እውን ኢሉ።

ኣብ መንጎ ኣባል ፓርትታት ዘሎ ፀገማት ኣካይዳን ነንባዕልኻ ምጥርጣራትን ክዕረዩ ኣብ ምርድዳእ ከምዝተበፅሐ ሓቢሩ’ሎ።

ካብ 7 ጥሪ ክሳብ ሎማ ዓርቢ 10 ጥሪ 2011 ዓ.ም ኣኼባ ዘካየደ ፈፃሚ ስራሕ ኢህወዴግ ኣብ መወዳእታ ኣብዘውፅኦ መግለፂ ተስፋታትን ፈተናታትን ጎኒ ንጎኒ ይጉዓዙ ኣለው ኢሉ።

እቲ መግለፂ እቲ ለውጢ ዘምፅኦም ውፅኢታት፣ዘጋጥሙ ዕንቅፋታትን ንቕድሚ ከጋጥሙ ኣብ ዝኽእሉ ኩነታትን ብዕምቆት ብምዝታይ ኣንፈት ከምዘቐመጠ ይገልፅ ።

ፖለቲካዊ ሃውህው ኣብ ምስፋሕ፣እሱራት ብይቕሬታን ምሕረትን ክፍትሑ፣ዕጥቓዊ ቓልሲ የካይዱ ዝነበሩ ሓይልታት ናብ ኢትዮጵያ ክምለሱ፣መግሃስቲ ሰብኣዊ መሰላት ንምእራም ዝተወስዱ ስጉምትታትን ካልኦትን ብኣወንታ ዘርዚሩ’ሎ።

እቲ ለውጢ ስግኣት ሒዙ ምምፅኡ እውን ፈፃሚ ስራሕ ኢህወዴግ ገምጊሙ’ሎ።ለውጢ ህዝባዊ መሰረት ሒዙ ብኢህወዴግ ይምራሕ እንተሃለወ እውን ህዝባዊ መሰረት ዘይብሎም ፀረ ለውጢ ኣረኣእያታት ብዝተዋደደ እናተመርሑ ብድሆታት ኮይኖሞ ኣለው ኢሉ’ሎ።

እቲ መግለፂ ወሲኹ ኣብቲ ህዝቢ ዘሎ ምድንጋርን ኣብ እዋን ለውጢ ከጋጥሙ ዝኽእሉ ናይ ኣመራርሓ ጉድለታትን ከምኡ እውን መንነትን ካልኦት ኣጀንዳታትን ንመፈፀሚ ዕላማታቶም የውዕሉዎ ኣለው ይብል።ፅንፋዊ ኣካይዳ ብምኽታል ናይ ባዕሎም ድልየት ንምፍፃም ኣብ ህይወት፣ኣካልን ንብረትን ዜጋታት ጉድኣት ክወርድን ዜጋታት ካብ መንበሪኦም ክመዛበሉን ይሰርሑ ኣለው ይብል።

ፈፃሚ ስራሕ ኢህወዴግ ካብ ኣርባዕቲአን ኣባል ውድባት ናይ ኦሮሞ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፓርቲ፣ናይ ኣምሓራ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፓርቲ፣ናይ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ህዝብታት ዴሞክራሲያዊ ምቅስቓስን ህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይን ዝተዋፅኡ 36 ኣባላት ዝሓቖፈ እዩ።

ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ይካየድ ዘሎ ለውጢ ስዒቡ ኣብ መንጎ ኣባል ውድባት ዘሎ ሓድነትን ናይ ዕላማ ምትእስሳርን ኣብ ሕቶ ዘእትው ክስተታት ክርኣዩ ፀኒሖም ኣለው።

እቲ መግለፂ ኣብ መንጎ ኣባል ፓርትታት ዘሎ ናይ ኣካይዳ ዘይምቅዳውን ምጥርጣርን ብግልፂ ከምዝተልዓለ፣እዞም ፀገማት ንመጻኢ ክፍትሑ ኣብ ምርድዳእ ከምዝተበፅሐን እቲ መግለፂ ሓቢሩ’ሎ።

  ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ ኣባላት ኣካይዱ

  ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰዲህኤ ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ ኣባላት ኣካይዱ

ቀዳም 12 ጥሪ 2019 ኣባላት ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰልፊ ዲሞክራሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ናይ ምሉኣት ኣባላት ናይ ቴለኮንፈረንስ ኣኼባ ኣካይዱ።

ኣኼባ በዚ ዝስዕብ ኣጀንዳ ተመያይጡ፡

እኼባ ሓደ ብሓደ ናይ ኣጀንዳ ነጥብታት ኣልዒሉ ተመያይጡ። ከምቲ ልሙድ ኣባላት ዘለዎም ሃነጽቲ ሕቶታትን ርእይቶታትን ለበዋታትን ኣቕሪቦም። ከም ወትሩ እዚ ሰለስተ ሰዓታት ዝወሰደ ሓፈሻዊ ኣኼባ፡ ተስፋ ዝህብን ፍናን ኣባላት ሓፍ ዘበለን ኮይኑ ተዛዚሙ።

ብደም ጀጋኑ ዝተረጋገጸ ልዑላውነት ሃገርና፡ ብዋጋ ዕዳጋ ኣይድፈርን’ዩ!              

ክንዕወት ኢና!

ክብርን ዘልኣለማዊ ዝኽርን ንስዉኣትና!

ቤት ጽሕፈት ዜናን ባህልን

ዞባ ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ሰ.ድ.ህ.ኤ.

15 ጥሪ 2019

ፓርላማ ኢትዮጵያ ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ሓድሽ ኣዋጅ ኣጽዲቑ

ፓርላማ ኢትዮጵያ ንስደተኛታት ዝምልከት ሓድሽ ኣዋጅ ኣጽዲቑ

ናይ ኢትዮጵያ ቤት ምኽሪ ተወከልቲ ህዝቢ (ፓርላማ) ብ17 ጥሪ 2019 ኣብ ዘካየዶ መበል 19 ስሩዕ ኣኼባኡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ተዓቒቦም ብወግዒ ንዝተመዝገቡ ስደተኛታት ዝያዳ መሰል ዝህብ ኣዋጅ ኣጽዲቑ። እዚ ኣብ ዝሓልፉ ልዕሊ ክልተ ዓመታት ክንደፍ ዝጸንሐ ኣዋጅ፡ ስደተኛታት ብናጻ ክመሃሩን  ክንቀሳቐሱን ምስ ክእለቶም ዝመጣጠን ስራሕ ክሰርሑን ከም  ዘፍቅድ ተሓቢሩ።

ናይቲ ቤት ምኽሪ ምንጭታት ከም ዝገለጽዎ፡ እቲ ናይ ስደተኛታት መሰል፡ ናይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ናይ ስራሕ ዕድል ከምዘይዕንቅፍ ኣብ ግምት ኣትዩ ከም ዝተጸንዐን ስደተኛታት ዘይኣትውዎ ንኢትዮጵያውያን ጥራይ ዝተሓዝአ ናይ ስራሕ ቦታታት ከም ዝህሉ እውን ተገሊጹ። ምስዚ ብዝተተሓሓዘ ኣብ ኣተገባብርኡ ዕንቅፋት ምእንቲ ከይፍጠር ምስቶም ስደተኛታት ሰፊረምሎም ዘለዉ ኣከባብታት ኣቐዲምካ ልዝብ ከም ዝተገብረሉ ኣብቲ እዚ ኣዋጅ ዝጸደቐሉ ኣኼባ በሪሁ።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ ዘለዉ ስደተኛታት ዝለዓለ ብዝሒ ዝሕዙ፡ ኤርትራውያን፡ ሶማላውያንን ደቡብ ሱዳናውያንን እዮም። በዚ ኣጋጣሚ ኢትዮጵያ ካብ ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ስደተኛታት ብምዕቋብ ቀዳምነት ከም እትሕዝ ተጠቒሱ። ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ሽዱሽተ መደበራት ከም ዝርከቡን ድሕሪቲ ዶብ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ምኽፋቱ ጥራይ 27 ሺሕ ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ከም ዝተመዝገቡ ዝተፈላለዩ ምንጭታት ክጠቕሱ ከም ዝጸንሑ ዝዝከር እዩ።

ብኻልእ ወገን ዋላ’ኳ ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ኤርትራ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ዝምድና ናይ ምምሕያሽ ምልክት እንተ ኣርኣየትን ኣብ ልዕሊኣ ዝነበረ እገዳ እንተ ተላዕለላን፡  ኣብ ኣተሓሕዛ ሰብኣዊ መሰል ዝኾነ ይኹን ምምሕያሽ ኣየርኣየትን።

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 17.01.2019

Radio Demtsi Harnnet Kassel 17.01.2019

ብዛዕባ ጉዳይና ግዳ ዘይንዛረብ

ኣብዚ ዘለናዮ እዋን ኩሉ ዕላልና ፖለቲካ ኮይኑ ከም ዘሎ ፍሉጥ እዩ። ቀደም ፖለቲካ ናይ ውሱናት ኣብ ከባቢ ፖለቲካውን መንግስታውን ስልጣን ዝርከቡ ወገናት ኣጀንዳ ጌርካ ይውሰድ ነይሩ። ሎሚ ግና ፖለቲካዊ ዛዕባን ዕላልን ካብ ሊቅ ክሳብ ደቂቅ ናይ ኩሉ ሰብ ኣጀንዳ ኮይኑ ኣሎ። እዚ  ብቀንዱ ናይ ኩሉ ወገን ህይወት ኣብ ትሕቲ ፖለቲካዊ ስግኣት ምህላዉ ዘመልክት ኮይኑ፡ ሳላ ዘበናዊ ስልጣነ ዝተፈጥረ ስሉጥ ዋሕዚ ሓበሬታ እውን ካልእ ምኽንያት ጌርካ ዝውሰድ እዩ።

ህይወትና ምሉእ ብምሉእ ካብ ፖለቲካ ፈሊኻ ዝረአ ስለ ዘይኮነ፡ ፖለቲካ ብፖለቲካኡ ብዛዕባ ብቐጥታ ዝምልከተካ ምዝራቡ ጽቡቕ እዩ። እዚ ማለት ግና ብዛዕባ ናይ ካለኦት ክየልዓልካ ተሓጺርካ ምንበር ማለት ኣይኮነን። ንኣብነት ከም ኤርትራውያን ጸገማትና ብዙሕ፡ እንጽበዮ መፍትሒ እውን ከምኡ ብዙሕ እናሃለወ፡ ብዛዕባ ፖለቲካና ምዝራብ ዝጽላእ ዘይኮነስ ዝተባባዕ እዩ፡ ምኽንያቱ ፍታሕ ካብ ቀጻሊ ልዝብን ምዝርራብን ስለ ዝመጽእ። ወዮ “እስኪ ንላዘብ ምኽሪ ንክርከብ” እኳ ዝበሃል።

ብዓለም ደረጃ ከይተረፈ፡ ኣሻቓሊ ኣጀንዳ ዝኾነ ጉዳይካ ኣቐሚጥካ ብዛዕባ ብቐጥታ ዘይምልከተካ ምዝራብ ግና ዘይሩዘይሩ ነቲ እንተሃደምካሉ’ውን ዘይተርፈካ ሓላፍነት ፊትንፊት ካብ ምግጣም ምህዳም ሓሊፉ ካልእ ትርጉም ዝወሃቦ ኣይኮነን። ኮታ ከምቲ “መርዓ ጓለን ቀላቕል ምዓለን” ዝበሃል እዩ ክኸውን። ንኣብነት ህደግለነ ዘየብሉ ናይ ኢሳይያስን ጉጅለኡን ዲክታቶርያዊ ምምሕዳር ኣብ ቅድሜኻ ተኾድጩ እናሃለወ፡ ብዛዕባ ብዝምድናዊ ኣዘራርባ ካብቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ኩነታት ዝሓሸ ምምሕዳር ንዘለወን ሃገራትን መራሕተንን ከተነኣእስ ምውዓል ብቐሊሉ ዝረአ ሕማም ኣይኮነን።

ንስኻ ኣካሉ ዝኾንካሉ ህዝብን ሃገርን፡ ልዕልና ፍትሕን ሕገመንግስታዊ ምምሕዳርን ምሉእ ብምሉእ በዂርዎም እናሃለወ፡ ናይ ካለኦት ሃገራት ኣተገባብራ ሕገ-መንግስታት፡ ዘይምእኩል ምምሕዳራት፡  ኣወሃህባ ፍትሒ፡ መስርሕ ምርጫታት፡ ቁጠባዊ ፖሊስታት ’’’’’’’’ ወዘተ ከተነኣእስን ከተቆናጽብን ምውዓል ንበሃሊኡ ዘሕፍርን ኣብ ዓይኒ ተዓዘብቲ ዘውድቕን እዩ። ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዓይኑ ብጨው ተሓጺቡ ሕንኩ ዝቐንጠጠ ኣብ ጥራይ ጐልጐል ዝዕብ ስለ ዝኾነ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ኣብ መዝገበ ቃላቱ ዘየለ ምርጫን ካልእ መርኣያ ዲሞክራሲ ብዝኾኑ   ኣምራት እንተተወራዘየ መለክዒ ባህርያቱ ስለ ዝኾነ ኣየገርምን። እዚ ተግባሩ ናብ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘመሓላልፎ ናይ ንዕቀት መልእኽቲ ግና ጓሲኻዮ ዝሕለፍ ኣይኮነን።

ኣብዚ እዋንዚ ንዓኣቶም ዝምልከት ዛዕባታት ዘንጊዖም፡ ብዛዕባ ህወሓት፡ ኢህወደግ፡ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ኦሮሚያ፡ ቅማንት፡ ወልቃይትን ነጢሮም ከኣ ብዛዕባ ሰላም ሶማልያን ደቡብ ሱዳንን ክለዓል እንከሎ መልሓሶ ዝሰሓሉ ኤርትራውያን ብዙሓት እዮም። ብዛዕባ እዚታት ምዝራብ ንውሪ’ኳ እንተዘይኮነ፡ ብዛዕባቲ ብቐጥታ ዝምልከተና ዘራጊቶ ተግባራት ህግደፍ ንዛረብ ክትብሎም እንከለኻ ግና ሚዛኖምን ቅሩብነቶምን ዝጐድል ብዙሓት እዮም። ብፍላይ ናይ ጉርሒ ይኹን ናይ ገርሂ ደገፍቲ ህግደፍ እንተኾይኖም ኣብቲ ዘረባ ዘቐጽል ሕሩጭ ስለ ዘይህልዎም፡ እቲ ዝመርጽዎ ዘረባ ንዘይምጅማር ምጉብዕባዕ እዩ። ይፍተዉ ይጽልኡ ግና ጉዳይና ብምጉብዕባዕ ስለ ዘይውዳእ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ናብ ዘሎ ሓቂ ተገዲዶም ኢዶም ዝህብሉ ኩነታት ደፊኡ ይመጽእ ከምዘሎ ከስተብህሉ ይግበኦም።

እቲ ካልእ ካብ ጉዳይካ ናይ ምህዳም መልክዕ፡ ንካልእ ብምንኣስ ጐብለል ክትከውን ምፍታን እዩ። ንካልእ ሓሳዊ ብምባል ሓቀኛ፡ ንኻልእ ድኻ ብምባል ሃብታም፡ ንካልእ ግጉይ ብምባል ቅኑዕ፡ ዝኽወን ስለ ዝመስሎም ጸፍ ክብሉ ዝውዕሉን ዝሓድሩን እውን ምስቶም ጉዳያም ኣቐሚጦም ብዛዕባ እንዳማቶም ክመጻረዩ ዝውዕሉ ዝጽብጸቡ እዮም። እዚ ማልት ግና ንጉዳይካ ምስ ናይ ካለኦት ጉዳይ እንዳወዳደርካ ምዝራብ ነውሪ እዩ ማለት ኣይኮነን። እዚ ናትካ ኣቐሚጥካ ብዛዕባ እንዳማትካ ምዝራብ ካብቲ ህግደፍ ህዝቢ ንምድንጋርን ተሓቚኑ ኣብ ዘይጽዒ ሸንኮለል ንምንባርን ዝህንድሶ ሜላታት ሓደ እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ጥራይ መዓኮሩ፡ ብዘለዎም ዓቕሚ ህዝቦም ብምስታፍ ሃገራቶም ክመርሑ ሓርኮትኮት ንዝብሉ መራሕቲ ምንእኣስ ካብቲ ዝልለየሉን ብብዙሓት መራሕቲ ሃገራት ከም ጽሉል ዝተገልጸሉን ተግባራቱ እዩ። ኢሳይያስ ኣብዚ ኤርትራዊ ህልዊ ኩነታት ኣዝዩ ውዑይ ኣጀንዳ ዘለወሉ መድረኽ እውን ከይተረፈ “ ንሕና ብዛዕባ 5 ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይኮነ፡ ብዛዕባ 480 ሚልዮን ዝኸውን ህዝቢ እዚ ዞባ ኢና እንሓስብ” ከም ዝበለና ኩልና ሰሚዕናዮ ኢና። ሰማይ ዝሃገርኩም ኣብዛ 5 ሚልዮን እሞ ተባዕ፡ ጻዕረኛን ትዕግስተኛን ዝህዝባን ብኣቀማምጣ ኮነ ብተፈጥሮ ሃብቲ ዝተዓደለትን ሃገር ዘየድመዐስ፡ 480 ሚልዮን ህዝቢ ኣብ ዘለውዎ ተሓቋኒ ማዕበል ሓንቢሱ ክወጽእ ማለት ድዩ። እዚ ምናልባት ነቲ ኢሳይያስ “ኤርትራ ንኢሳትኒ” ዝብል ሕማም ኣለዎ ዝብል ናይ ብዙሓት ግምት ዘራጉድ ይኸውን።

ሓደ ሰብ ከም ዝሓበረኒ፡ ኣብዚ ቀረባ እዋን ሓደ ኤውሮጳዊ ናይ ማሕበራዊ ሳይነስ ተመራማሪ ምስ ኢሳይያስ ኣብ ኣስመራ ተራኺቡ ነይሩ። ኣብዚ ናይ ዝያዳ ክልተ ሰዓታት ርክቦም ኢሳይያስ ዋላ ሓንሳብ ኤርትራ እትብል ቃል ከይጠቐሰ፡ ዞባ ቅርኒ ኣፍሪቃን ገማግም ቀይሕ ባሕርን ዝብላ ሓረጋት እንዳቐያየረ ወግዑ ብምውዱኡ ከም ዝተገረም እቲ ሊቅ ዘጻወቶም ወገናት’ውን ተገሪሞም። እዚ ኢሳይያስ ክሳብ ክንደይ ንኤርትራን ህዝባን ካብ ልቡ ኣውጺኡ ሰማይሰማይ ይሓስብ ከምዘሎ ዘረድእ ምስክርነት እዩ። ከምዚ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢና ከኣ  ንሕና እቶም ሰብ ጉዳይ “ብዛዕባ ጉዳይና ግዳ ዘይንዛረብ” ንብል ዘለና።

With Ethiopia’s border now open, why are Eritreans still fleeing to Sudan?

January 16, 2019 News, Other, Uncategorized

Source: African Arguments

https://africanarguments.org/2019/01/15/ethiopia-border-open-why-eritrea-sudan-fleeing/

Despite huge regional shifts, Eritreans continue to flee through Sudan, aided by resilient and flexible people-smuggling networks.

Smuggling networks in east Sudan are flexible and resilient. Credit: SOS Sahel

When the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea reopened in September 2018, it was a momentous occasion for the two neighbours. For the first time in twenty years, people on both sides were free to reunite with their loved ones.

The border opening was particularly significant, however, for those in Eritrea. Over the last two decades, hundreds of thousands of Eritreans – around 12% of the entire population – have fled Africa’s “Hermit Kingdom”. They have braved an official “shoot to kill” policy at the closed borders to escape into either Sudan or Ethiopia and embarked on perilous trips – risking predatory militias, exploitation, sexual violence and unforgiving tundra – with the aim of reaching Israel, the Gulf or Europe.

The new ability to travel freely to Ethiopia – without a passport, permit or promise to return – suddenly offered an opportunity to leave Eritrea with far lower risks. Many have seized it. According to the UN Refugee Agency and local authorities in Ethiopia’s Tigray state, arrivals from Eritrea have soared. Between 12 September and 2 October alone, over 10,000 people entered reception camps in Ethiopia.

But while this much was anticipated, the numbers of people crossing into Sudan has, somewhat unexpectedly, not reduced. Concrete data is difficult to access regarding irregular migration, but in-country sources suggest that the streams of people entering Sudan remained relatively consistent since the border opening. The question is why.

How smuggling in Sudan works

Sudan has long been a permissive environment for smuggling. Corruption, insecurity and porous borders have enabled illicit networks to flourish, turning the country into a conduit for not just goods and firearms but people. A lucrative commercial ecosystem has emerged for people-smuggling with criminal networks supplying logistics, accommodation and transportation to satisfy demand.

Along Sudan’s eastern borderlands, smugglers tend to derive from the nomadic Rashaida, Bedouin and Hidarib communities. They ferry “clients” in pickup trucks for a stretch of the journey before offloading them to the next group. These segmented expeditions allow poorer migrants to adopt a “pay as you go” approach, travelling in stages and working ad hoc to pay off their debts and raise the next tranche of funding. This avoids the need for expensive lump sums.

For years, Sudanese smugglers have marketed these services upstream to Eritreans through front “companies” and local contacts. Exploiting shared kinship bonds and tribal affiliations, they placate suspicious migrants by framing voyages as “low risk” and insisting refugees will receive support from compatriots in the diaspora. Often recruiters entice customers by distorting their expectations with promises of informal welfare nets and assistance in finding employment along their journeys.

While this has proven to be an attractive package, such arrangements remain exceptionally precarious. In reality, Eritreans face sexual abuse and high fatality rates en route. The assured brokerage of local smugglers regularly falls through, leaving migrants vulnerable to extortion and trafficking once trapped in Sudan.

Why not go through Ethiopia?

Given the dangers of transiting through Sudan, why have numbers remained relatively consistent despite the presence of a seemingly easier route through Ethiopia?

One possibility is that many Eritreans remain highly sceptical of the political changes happening at the highest level. Since the peace deal with Ethiopia, there has been very little transparency around the pact or information regarding what it will mean for those in Eritrea.

To begin with, the usual factors compelling Eritreans to flee – including repression, indefinite conscription and economic hardship – are all still in place. There is little incentive for the regime to scale back the “garrison state” as national service and systems of indentured labour ensure a pliable society and secure its survival. At the same time, many Eritreans may be wary of taking the current changes at face value. Having lived under President Isaias Afwerki’s authoritarian and sometimes capricious rule for decades, many may wonder how long the border with Ethiopia will actually remain open, while rumours of security crackdowns abound.

The influx of migrants crossing into Ethiopia has also strained Tigray state’s reception camps, processing infrastructure and health services. Over-saturation and an under-resourced host population has led to a deterioration of living standards for refugees, revealing the bleak realities facing migrants who have already crossed the border.

Sudan’s resilient smugglers

A final factor behind Sudan’s continued appeal for Eritrean refugees is that its smuggling networks remain in operation and are likely to endure in the face of any broader regional shifts.

Sudan’s smuggling nexus is not composed of kingpins or cartels but flexible networks of small competitive cells subscribing to the “supermarket principle” of high volume with low costs. This decentralised quality makes local service chains extremely versatile, enabling them to adapt to the closure of old routes and rescale to manage fluctuations in demand. Bosses with political connections may (temporarily) control particular bottlenecks, but in relatively unregulated areas such as eastern Sudan, barriers to market entry are low. Here, the smuggling industry comprises a series of loose working relationships that dissolve and re-form in response to new opportunities.

This configuration has helped insulated the trade from dependency on individual strongmen. For instance, over the last two decades, senior members of the Eritrean Defence Forces such as Brigadier-General Tekle Manjus Kiflay have allegedly been embedded in a range of criminal ventures, including human smuggling. But while they expedited migratory flows, these figures are ultimately components of a far wider transnational network. Their reported recent marginalisation by Isaias therefore seems to have done little to seriously disrupt day-to-day operations either side of the border.

The durability of Sudan’s networks also stems from their depth. Participation in, and profit from, smuggling is fairly ubiquitous in Sudanese communities living along migrant routes, with young men reportedly joining trafficking gangs to make quick cash before public festivities like Ramadan. More broadly, these exploitative practices have also become relatively normalised in these communities, especially in the context of Sudan’s own economic crisis, helped by the fact that they generate revenue streams and a cheap labour supply to satiate domestic shortfalls. Due to this significant level of public buy-in, there is little institutional capacity or inclination in Sudan to crack down on human smuggling. As a result, the trade has been able to survive and thrive as it responds to new challenges.

This resilience of Sudan’s smugglers combined with Eritreans’ mistrust of their government and Ethiopia’s difficulties in handling large numbers of arrivals may account for why refugees are not automatically opting to cross the open border to Ethiopia rather than journey through Sudan. Despite seemingly momentous regional shifts, these factors have contributed to situation in which irregular migrant flows from Eritrea to Sudan appear to have held relatively steady.

Source=https://eritreahub.org/with-ethiopias-border-now-open-why-are-eritreans-still-fleeing-to-sudan

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